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Saving Lamu: How a Campaign for Environmental Justice Was Fought

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The campaign against a coal-fired plant in Lamu is a good example of how a small, voiceless community can be mobilised to fight powerful and influential forces intent on destroying the environment. RASNA WARAH explores key aspects of the campaign and the landmark ruling that has inspired environmentalists and social justice advocates worldwide.

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Saving Lamu: How a Campaign for Environmental Justice Was Fought
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In a country where justice is often denied, delayed or distorted, the landmark ruling of the National Environment Tribunal (NET) to cancel the licence for a proposed electricity-generating coal-fired plant in Lamu has restored many Kenyans’ faith in state institutions. The significance of the ruling, which was a victory for environmental justice advocates at home and abroad, cannot be underestimated (though going by the local media coverage of the judgement, it might appear that nothing remarkable has happened).

For the people of Lamu, who will be the most negatively affected if the plant is built, the decision was nothing short of a miracle, especially given that this is a country where major infrastructure projects are often carried out at the expense of local communities and the environment – and where such projects often involve kickbacks and corruption at the highest levels of government. Ochiel Dudley, a lawyer with Katiba Institute, which litigated the precedent-setting case, said that the ruling was a major victory for the people of Lamu and Kenya. “It has stamped the authority of tribunals in courts to ensure compliance with the rule of law,” he stated shortly after the ruling on 26 June.

In a country where justice is often denied, delayed or distorted, the landmark ruling of the National Environment Tribunal (NET) to cancel the licence for a proposed electricity-generating coal-fired plant in Lamu has restored many Kenyans’ faith in state institutions

NET was established under Section 125 of the Environment Management and Coordination Act (1999). Its mandate is to hear disputes arising from decisions of the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) on the issuance, denial or revocation of licences. In its 26 June 2019 judgement, NET ordered Amu Power, the key player in the proposed Lamu project, to halt construction of the plant and to undertake a fresh environmental and social impact assessment (ESIA) for the project. It noted that the ESIA carried out for Amu Power by a company called Kurrent Technologies was flawed in one key aspect: it did not involve public participation, a constitutional requirement that NET chairman Mohamed Balala described as “the oxygen that gives life to an ESIA report”. In its ruling, NET stated that the lack of public participation was “contemptuous of the people of Lamu”.

Other important points in the ruling included the project’s lack of a strategic environmental assessment and insufficient and unclear plans for toxic coal ash handling and storage, as well as the project’s failure to take into consideration Kenya’s Climate Change Act.

The wrong choice for Kenya

There were many environmental, social and health concerns raised by those against the construction of the coal-fired plant. Environmentalists pointed out that the burning of coal releases toxic particles into the air that can cause asthma, bronchitis, cardiovascular disease and cancer. These particles can also affect fish, crops and wildlife.

In addition, burning coal requires millions of gallons of water to keep the plant cool. Releasing this water into the ocean around Lamu would increase the temperature of the water and kill the fish and other marine life. It would also impact the livelihoods of fishermen in the area.

There are also cultural concerns. Lamu Town has been designated a World Heritage site by the United Nations, which means that the Kenyan government is obligated to protect and preserve it. The proposed plant’s location on 865 acres of land in Kwasasi, just 20 kilometres from this historical town, is especially worrisome. Lamu Town is world-renowned for being one of oldest settlements along the East African coast, and is a much-loved tourist destination. Its pristine beaches have attracted the rich and famous and its Swahili culture has been the subject of countless studies. The toxic particles emitted from the plant could corrode the centuries-old buildings in the town and increase air pollution levels, which will make this unique island town an unhealthy environment for the residents and a less attractive destination for tourists.

The government insists that the economic benefits of the plant outweigh any environmental concerns. It says that the plant will bring much-needed development to the area. Critics argue that if the national and county governments were really keen on improving the living standards of the people of Lamu, they might have built more essential infrastructure, such as sewerage and sanitation systems, which are woefully inadequate, or a first-class hospital, which is much needed in this neglected part of the country.

Proponents of the project say that the plant will significantly reduce the cost of electricity. Those advocating against the plant disagree. They say that the 1,050-megawatt plant will actually cause the price of electricity to increase because the price of electricity will be directly related to the price of coal, which fluctuates. Moreover, the cost of building transmission lines to get the electricity to people in Nairobi and elsewhere and a train to get coal from Kitui will increase the cost of the electricity generated. And if the original intention was to export surplus electricity generated in Kenya to neighbouring countries, that plan is no longer viable: Ethiopia is currently quadrupling its energy-generating capacity and Tanzania is doubling it.

There were many environmental, social and health concerns raised by those against the construction of the coal-fired plant. Environmentalists pointed out that the burning of coal releases toxic particles into the air that can cause asthma, bronchitis, cardiovascular disease and cancer. These particles can also affect fish, crops and wildlife.

David Schlissel from the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), in an assessment he conducted on the project, says that the Lamu coal plant is “the wrong choice for Kenya” for several reasons. First, Amu Power, the single-purpose joint venture between Gulf Energy and Centum Investment, calculated the price of electricity on the following erroneous assumptions: i) that coal would cost $50 per metric tonne (in 2017 the price of coal was $85 per tonne); ii) that Kenya’s demand for electricity would go up by 13 per cent annually (demand has actually grown by only 6 per cent a year, partly due to the slowing down of the economy); iii) that the plant would be utilised at 85 per cent capacity (if built, the plant will be grossly underutilised, running at a capacity of between 5 and 34 per cent and producing far less electricity than Amu claims it wil); and iv) that electricity would cost $0.072 per kilowatt hour (IEEFA calculated that electricity from the plant would cost three to ten times as much, from between $0.22 and $0.75 per kilowatt hour).

The most shocking part of the deal is that Kenyans will have to pay about $360 million per year in capacity charges (that’s over $1 million per day!) whether or not the plant generates any electricity and even if it is not operational. This makes one wonder how the government entered into the deal with Amu Power and whether any legal advice was sought before the agreement was signed. It also raises the question of whether people in government knew about the non-viability of the project beforehand but proceeded to go ahead with the project because there was $1 million to be made per day without any sweat or investment.

How this project was allowed in a world where countries including China (the biggest emitter of greenhouse gases and whose citizens are paying for this with their health) are weaning themselves away from coal is also disturbing, given that in 2018 President Uhuru Kenyatta pledged to move Kenya to 100 per cent renewable energy by 2020. But then in Kenya, it is not reason, common sense or environmental and social justice considerations that determine public policy but individual greed, myopic self-interest and lack of a long-term vision for the country and its future.

How it all started

In September 2013, five months after Uhuru Kenyatta was sworn in as president, the Kenyan government invited bids for the Lamu coal-fired plant. Twenty-six submissions were received. Gulf Energy was awarded the tender.

Amu Power, which did not even exist as an entity when the invitation for the bids went out, was only established after Gulf Energy, the developer and co-sponsor of the plant, started a joint venture with Centum, a Kenyan-owned investment company whose major shareholder is the Kenyan magnate Chris Kirubi and whose CEO is James Mworia. (Though there is suspicion that Amu Power is a front for powerful or influential people who wish to remain unknown.) The main potential funder of this $2 billion project is the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China. The African Development Bank initially showed interest in partially funding the project but pulled out after campaigners opposed the project. The Bank’s president stated that it was the lending institution’s policy not to fund coal projects.

The campaign against the project started in earnest in October 2016 when two civil society organisations – Save Lamu and Natural Justice – lodged an objection with the Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) to Amu Power’s application for a coal plant in Lamu. This was the beginning of a successful campaign that culminated in the NET ruling last month.

So how did the people and organisations who campaigned against the construction of the coal-fired plant in Lamu succeed in their efforts? Well, two things stand out which other environmental campaigners might want to take note of as they provide a good case study on how to obtain environmental justice in the face of stiff opposition from government and corporate interests.

One, the campaign was fought not just by the affected communities in Lamu but by a coalition of local and foreign environmental and human rights organisations, namely, Save Lamu, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, 350 Africa, Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education, Sauti Ya Wanjiku, Muhuri – Muslims for Human Rights, National Resources Alliance of Kenya, American Jewish World Service and the Center for Justice Governance and Environmental Action. This coalition provided the campaign with the legal and financial resources and the moral strength and support that would not have been available if the campaign had been led only by members of the affected community in Lamu – though it is important to note that the residents of Lamu were both vocal and visible throughout the campaign.

Two, these organisations and their supporters designed a highly successful media campaign under the banner deCOALonize.org, which published regular updates online and on social media and organised street demonstrations both in Lamu and in Nairobi. By the time the case went to NET, opposition was so strong that a ruling in support of the plant in Lamu would have appeared to be totally misguided, or worse, highly compromised. Public pressure was thus key to the success of the campaign.

Organisers of the campaign say that the battle is not yet over. A spokesperson for the campaign said that while last month’s NET ruling will delay the Lamu coal project, there is no guarantee that the project will be halted indefinitely. “Amu Power can conduct a fresh environmental and social impact assessment and apply for a new licence, or can choose to appeal the decision, seeking to overturn the ruling and have the licence restored,” he said.

Amu Power has until 26 July to file a notice of appeal. However, the deCOALonize campaigners believe that Amu is not likely to appeal the ruling because it wouldn’t want to stall the project any longer with a court case it might very well lose. They believe that Amu will most probably go for a fresh ESIA that will deal with the issues raised by the tribunal. If a licence to build the plant is then granted, the struggle to save Lamu will continue.

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Rasna Warah
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Rasna Warah is a Kenyan writer and journalist. In a previous incarnation, she was an editor at the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat). She has published two books on Somalia – War Crimes (2014) and Mogadishu Then and Now (2012) – and is the author UNsilenced (2016), and Triple Heritage (1998).

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SAPs – Season Two: Why Kenyans Fear Another IMF Loan

The Jubilee government would have us believe that the country is economically healthy but the reality is that the IMF has come in precisely because Kenya is in a financial crisis.

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SAPs – Season Two: Why Kenyans Fear Another IMF Loan
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Never did I imagine that opposing an International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan to Kenya would be viewed by the Kenyan authorities as a criminal act. But that is exactly what transpired last week when activist Mutemi Kiama was arrested and charged with “abuse of digital gadgets”, “hurting the presidency”, “creating public disorder” and other vaguely-worded offences. Mutemi’s arrest was prompted by his Twitter post of an image of President Uhuru Kenyatta with the following caption: “This is to notify the world . . . that the person whose photograph and names appear above is not authorised to act or transact on behalf of the citizens of the Republic of Kenya and that the nation and future generations shall not be held liable for any penalties of bad loans negotiated and/or borrowed by him.” He was released on a cash bail of KSh.500,000 with an order prohibiting him from using his social media accounts or speaking about COVID-19-related loans.

Mutemi is one among more than 200,000 Kenyans who have signed a petition to the IMF to halt a KSh257 billion (US$2.3 billion) loan to Kenya, which was ostensibly obtained to cushion the country against the negative economic impact of COVID-19.  Kenya is not the only country whose citizens have opposed an IMF loan. Protests against IMF loans have been taking place in many countries, including Argentina, where people took to the streets in 2018 when the country took a US$50 billion loan from the IMF. In 2016, Eqyptian authorities were forced to lower fuel prices following demonstrations against an IMF-backed decision to eliminate fuel subsidies. Similar protests have also taken place in Jordan, Lebanon and Ecuador in recent years.

Why would a country’s citizens be against a loan given by an international financial institution such as the IMF? Well, for those Kenyans who survived (or barely survived) the IMF-World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s and 90s, the answer is obvious. SAPs came with stringent conditions attached, which led to many layoffs in the civil service and removal of subsidies for essential services, such as health and education, which led to increasing levels of hardship and precarity, especially among middle- and low-income groups. African countries undergoing SAPs experienced what is often referred to as “a lost development decade” as belt-tightening measures stalled development programmes and stunted economic opportunities.

In addition, borrowing African countries lost their independence in matters related to economic policy. Since lenders, such as the World Bank and the IMF, decide national economic policy – for instance, by determining things like budget management, exchange rates and public sector involvement in the economy – they became the de facto policy and decision-making authorities in the countries that took their loans. This is why, in much of the 1980s and 1990s, the arrival of a World Bank or IMF delegation to Nairobi often got Kenyans very worried.

In those days (in the aftermath of a hike in oil prices in 1979 that saw most African countries experience a rise in import bills and a decline in export earnings), leaders of these international financial institutions were feared as much as the authoritarian Kenyan president, Daniel arap Moi, because with the stroke of a pen they could devalue the Kenyan currency overnight and get large chunks of the civil service fired. As Kenyan economist David Ndii pointed out recently at a press conference organised by the Linda Katiba campaign, when the IMF comes knocking, it essentially means the country is “under receivership”. It can no longer claim to determine its own economic policies. Countries essentially lose their sovereignty, a fact that seems to have eluded the technocrats who rushed to get this particular loan.

When he took office in 2002, President Mwai Kibaki kept the World Bank and the IMF at arm’s length, preferring to take no-strings-attached infrastructure loans from China. Kibaki’s “Look East” economic policy alarmed the Bretton Woods institutions and Western donors who had until then had a huge say in the country’s development trajectory, but it instilled a sense of pride and autonomy in Kenyans, which sadly, has been eroded by Uhuru and his inept cronies who have gone on loan fishing expeditions, including massive Eurobonds worth Sh692 billion (nearly $7 billion), which means that every Kenyan today has a debt of Sh137,000, more than three times what it was eight years ago when the Jubilee government came to power. By the end of last year, Kenya’s debt stood at nearly 70 per cent of GDP, up from 50 per cent at the end of 2015. This high level of debt can prove deadly for a country like Kenya that borrows in foreign currencies.

When the IMF comes knocking, it essentially means the country is “under receivership”.

The Jubilee government would have us believe that the fact that the IMF agreed to this loan is a sign that the country is economically healthy, but as Ndii noted, quite often the opposite is true: the IMF comes in precisely because a country is in a financial crisis. In Kenya’s case, this crisis has been precipitated by reckless borrowing by the Jubilee administration that has seen Kenya’s debt rise from KSh630 billion (about $6 billion at today’s exchange rate) when Kibaki took office in 2002, to a staggering KSh7.2 trillion (about US$70 billion) today, with not much to show for it, except a standard gauge railway (SGR) funded by Chinese loans that appears unable to pay for itself. As an article in a local daily pointed out, this is enough money to build 17 SGRs from Mombasa to Nairobi or 154 superhighways like the one from Nairobi to Thika. The tragedy is that many of these loans are unaccounted for; in fact, many Kenyans believe they are taken to line individual pockets. Uhuru Kenyatta has himself admitted that Kenya loses KSh2 billion a day to corruption in government. Some of these lost billions could actually be loans.

IMF loans with stringent conditions attached have often been presented as being the solution to a country’s economic woes – a belt-tightening measure that will instil fiscal discipline in a country’s economy by increasing revenue and decreasing expenditure. However, the real purpose of these loans, some argue, is to bring about major and fundamental policy changes at the national level – changes that reflect the neoliberal ethos of our time, complete with privatisation, free markets and deregulation.

The first ominous sign that the Kenyan government was about to embark on a perilous economic path was when the head of the IMF, Christine Lagarde, made an official visit to Kenya shortly after President Uhuru was elected in 2013. At that time, I remember tweeting that this was not a good omen; it indicated that the IMF was preparing to bring Kenya back into the IMF fold.

Naomi Klein’s book, The Shock Doctrine, shows how what she calls “disaster capitalism” has allowed the IMF, in particular, to administer “shock therapy” on nations reeling from natural or man-made disasters or high levels of external debt. This has led to unnecessary privatisation of state assets, government deregulation, massive layoffs of civil servants and reduction or elimination of subsidies, all of which can and do lead to increasing poverty and inequality. Klein is particularly critical of what is known as the Chicago School of Economics that she claims justifies greed, corruption, theft of public resources and personal enrichment as long as they advance the cause of free markets and neoliberalism. She shows how in nearly every country where the IMF “medicine” has been administered, inequality levels have escalated and poverty has become systemic.

Sometimes the IMF will create a pseudo-crisis in a country to force it to obtain an IMF bailout loan. Or, through carefully manipulated data, it will make the country look economically healthy so that it feels secure about applying for more loans. When that country can’t pay back the loans, which often happens, the IMF inflicts even more austerity measures (also known as “conditionalities”) on it, which lead to even more poverty and inequality.

IMF and World Bank loans for infrastructure projects also benefit Western corporations. Private companies hire experts to ensure that these companies secure government contracts for big infrastructure projects funded by these international financial institutions. Companies in rich countries like the United States often hire people who will do the bidding on their behalf. In his international “word-of-mouth bestseller”, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, John Perkins explains how in the 1970s when he worked for an international consulting firm, he was told that his job was to “funnel money from the World Bank, the US Agency for International Development and other foreign aid organisations into the coffers of huge corporations and the pockets of a few wealthy families who control the planet’s resources”.

Sometimes the IMF will create a pseudo-crisis in a country to force it to obtain an IMF bailout loan.

The tools to carry out this goal, his employer admitted unashamedly, could include “fraudulent financial reports, rigged elections, payoffs, extortion, sex and murder”. Perkins showed how in the 1970s, he became instrumental in brokering deals with countries ranging from Panama to Saudi Arabia where he convinced leaders to accept projects that were detrimental to their own people but which enormously benefitted US corporate interests.

“In the end, those leaders become ensnared in a web of debt that ensures their loyalty. We can draw on them whenever we desire – to satisfy our political, economic or military needs. In turn, they bolster their political positions by bringing industrial parks, power plants, and airports to their people. The owners of US engineering/construction companies become fabulously wealthy,” a colleague told him when he asked why his job was so important.

Kenyans, who are already suffering financially due to the COVID-19 pandemic which saw nearly 2 million jobs in the formal sector disappear last year, will now be confronted with austerity measures at precisely the time when they need government subsidies and social safety nets. Season Two of SAPs is likely to make life for Kenyans even more miserable in the short and medium term.

We will have to wait and see whether overall dissatisfaction with the government will influence the outcome of the 2022 elections. However, whoever wins that election will still have to contend with rising debt and unsustainable repayments that have become President Uhuru Kenyatta’s most enduring legacy.

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Haiti: The Struggle for Democracy, Justice, Reparations and the Black Soul

Only the Haitian people can decide their own future. The dictatorship imposed by former president Jovenel Moïse and its imperialist enablers need to go – and make space for a people’s transition government.

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Haiti: The Struggle for Democracy, Justice, Reparations and the Black Soul
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Haiti is once again going through a profound crisis. Central to this is the struggle against the dictatorship imposed by former president Jovenel Moïse. Since last year Mr. Moise, after decreeing the dismissal of Parliament, has been ruling through decrees, permanently violating Haiti’s constitution. He has refused to leave power after his mandate ended on February 7, 2021, claiming that it ends on February 7 of next year, without any legal basis.

This disregard of the constitution is taking place despite multiple statements by the country’s main judicial bodies, such as the CSPJ (Superior Council of Judicial Power) and the Association of Haitian Lawyers. Numerous religious groups and numerous institutions that are representative of society have also spoken. At this time, there is a strike by the judiciary, which leaves the country without any public body of political power.

At the same time, this institutional crisis is framed in the insecurity that affects practically all sectors of Haitian society. An insecurity expressed through savage repressions of popular mobilizations by the PNH (Haitian National Police), which at the service of the executive power. They have attacked journalists and committed various massacres in poor neighborhoods. Throughout the country, there have been assassinations and arbitrary arrests of opponents.

Most recently, a judge of the High Court was detained under the pretext of promoting an alleged plot against the security of the State and to assassinate the president leading to the illegal and arbitrary revocation of three judges of this Court. This last period has also seen the creation of hundreds of armed groups that spread terror over the entire country and that respond to power, transforming kidnapping into a fairly prosperous industry for these criminals.

The 13 years of military occupation by United Nations troops through MINUSTAH and the operations of prolongation of guardianship through MINUJUSTH and BINUH have aggravated the Haitian crisis. They supported retrograde and undemocratic sectors who, along with gangsters, committed serious crimes against the Haitian people and their fundamental rights.

For this, the people of Haiti deserve a process of justice and reparations. They have paid dearly for the intervention of MINUSTAH: 30 THOUSAND DEAD from cholera transmitted by the soldiers, thousands of women raped, who now raise orphaned children. Nothing has changed in 13 years, more social inequality, poverty, more difficulties for the people. The absence of democracy stays the same.

The poor’s living conditions have worsened dramatically as a result of more than 30 years of neoliberal policies imposed by the International Financial Institutions (IFIs), a severe exchange rate crisis, the freezing of the minimum wage, and inflation above 20% during the last three years.

It should be emphasized that, despite this dramatic situation, the Haitian people remain firm and are constantly mobilizing to prevent the consolidation of a dictatorship by demanding the immediate leave of office by former President Jovenel Moïse.

Taking into account the importance of this struggle and that this dictatorial regime still has the support of imperialist governments such as the United States of America, Canada, France, and international organizations such as the UN, the OAS, and the EU, the IPA calls its members to contribute their full and active solidarity to the struggle of the Haitian people, and to sign this Petition that demands the end of the dictatorship as well as respect for the sovereignty and self-determination of the Haitian people, the establishment of a transition government led by Haitians to launch a process of authentic national reconstruction.

In addition to expressing our solidarity with the Haitian people’s resistance, we call for our organisations to demonstrate in front of the embassies of the imperialist countries and before the United Nations. Only the Haitian people can decide their future. Down with Moise and yes to a people’s transition government, until a constituent is democratically elected.

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Deconstructing the Whiteness of Christ

While many African Christians can only imagine a white Jesus, others have actively promoted a vision of a brown or black Jesus, both in art and in ideology.

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When images of a white preacher and actor going around Kenya playing Jesus turned up on social media in July 2019, people were rightly stunned by the white supremacist undertone of the images. They suggested that Africans were prone to seeing Jesus as white, promoting the white saviour narrative in the process. While it is true that the idea of a white Jesus has been prevalent in African Christianity even without a white actor, and many African Christians and churches still entertain images of Jesus as white because of the missionary legacy, many others have actively promoted a vision of Jesus as brown or black both in art an in ideology.

Images of a brown or black Jesus is as old as Christianity in Africa, especially finding a prominent place in Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which has been in existence for over sixteen hundred years. Eyob Derillo, a librarian at the British Library, recently brought up a steady diet of these images on Twitter. The image of Jesus as black has also been popularised through the artistic project known as Vie de Jesus Mafa (Life of Jesus Mafa) that was conducted in Cameroon.

The most radical expression of Jesus as a black person was however put forth by a young Kongolese woman called Kimpa Vita, who lived in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Through the missionary work of the Portuguese, Kimpa Vita, who was a nganga or medicine woman, became a Christian. She taught that Jesus and his apostles were black and were in fact born in São Salvador, which was the capital of the Kongo at the time. Not only was Jesus transposed from Palestine to São Salvador, Jerusalem, which is a holy site for Christians, was also transposed to São Salvador, so that São Salvador became a holy site. Kimpa Vita was accused of preaching heresy by Portuguese missionaries and burnt at the stake in 1706.

It was not until the 20th century that another movement similar to Vita’s emerged in the Kongo. This younger movement was led by Simon Kimbangu, a preacher who went about healing and raising the dead, portraying himself as an emissary of Jesus. His followers sometimes see him as the Holy Spirit who was to come after Jesus, as prophesied in John 14:16. Just as Kimpa Vita saw São Salvador as the new Jerusalem, Kimbangu’s village of Nkamba became, and still is known as, the new Jerusalem. His followers still flock there for pilgrimage. Kimbangu was accused of threatening Belgian colonial rule and thrown in jail, where he died. Some have complained that Kimbangu seems to have eclipsed Jesus in the imagination of his followers for he is said to have been resurrected from the dead, like Jesus.

Kimbangu’s status among his followers is however similar to that of some of the leaders of what has been described as African Independent Churches or African Initiated Churches (AICs). These churches include the Zionist churches of Southern Africa, among which is the amaNazaretha of Isaiah Shembe. Shembe’s followers see him as a divine figure, similar to Jesus, and rather than going to Jerusalem for pilgrimage, his followers go to the holy city of Ekuphakameni in South Africa. The Cameroonian theologian, Fabien Eboussi Boulaga, in his Christianity Without Fetish, see leaders like Kimbangu and Shembe as doing for their people in our own time what Jesus did for his people in their own time—providing means of healing and deliverance in contexts of grinding oppression. Thus, rather than replacing Jesus, as they are often accused of doing, they are making Jesus relevant to their people. For many Christians in Africa, therefore, Jesus is already brown or black. Other Christians still need to catch up with this development if we are to avoid painful spectacles like the one that took place Kenya.

This post is from a partnership between Africa Is a Country and The Elephant. We will be publishing a series of posts from their site once a week.

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