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DOCTORS WITHOUT ORDERS: Why Kenya should give traditional medicine and healers a chance

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Traditional medicine has much to offer the Kenya healthcare system if only the Kenyan government would take it seriously. By PATRICK GATHARA

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DOCTORS WITHOUT ORDERS: Why Kenya should give traditional medicine and healers a chance
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Many, or perhaps most, urban Kenyans have a poor regard for traditional medicine and its practitioners. The country’s first President, Jomo Kenyatta, famously condemned traditional healers in 1969 as “lazy cheats who want to live on the sweat of others”. According to John Harrington, Professor of Global Health Law at Cardiff University, such attitudes are “prevalent in contemporary Kenya, particularly amongst medical professionals and the evangelical churches of urban slums that often condemn the practice as ungodly; a view born from their missionary founders who ardently opposed ‘native practices’”.

But what exactly is traditional medicine? The World Health Organization (WHO) defines it as “the sum total of the knowledge, skill, and practices based on the theories, beliefs, and experiences indigenous to different cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the maintenance of health as well as in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement or treatment of physical and mental illness”. It distinguishes between traditional and alternative medicine, the latter being composed of “health care practices that are not part of that country’s own tradition or conventional medicine and are not fully integrated into the dominant health-care system”.

There have been few studies to establish the actual number of traditional medicine users in Kenya. WHO estimates that up to 80 per cent of the population in some developing countries rely on traditional medicine for their primary healthcare needs. The Kenyan government has adopted this estimate rather than do an independent survey, yet the veteran science journalist, Otula Owuor, says those numbers should be taken with a healthy pinch of salt. One study of the initiation of Kikuyu medicine men carried out in the late 1970s concluded: “Many younger people tend to ignore or even mock such practices, at least in public, especially if they have been exposed to ideas about ‘science’ in their formal education and through exposure to mass media. Committed Christians not infrequently adopt a ‘hard line’ attitude condemning traditional medicine and its ‘pagan’ associations.”

There have been few studies to establish the actual number of traditional medicine users in Kenya. WHO estimates that up to 80 per cent of the population in some developing countries rely on traditional medicine for their primary healthcare needs.

Still, it is probably true that for a large number of Kenyans, especially in rural areas where conventionally-trained health workers are in short supply, traditional healers provide an important service. In addition, many Kenyans believe in the potency of herbal medicine, even when they can access and afford modern medicine. WHO says that native healers can be effective in managing a broad spectrum of healthcare needs, including prevention, management and treatment of non-communicable diseases, as well as mental and gerontological health problems.

© Aga Khan University – Graduate School of Media and Communications

Just like its modern, Western counterpart, traditional medicine is a product of observation, belief and experience. It is an accumulation of knowledge and practices dating back eons before the arrival of Western medicine, passed down through generations. And as Prof. Harrington notes, “traditional medicine practices are not fixed; they are constantly evolving. The knowledge is ‘traditional’ only in the way that it is transmitted.” This evolution implies that practitioners are always learning and adjusting their craft.

Yet the Kenyan government has preferred to view indigenous medicine through the prism of culture rather than science, a century-old colonial carryover. In the paper Governing traditional medicine in Kenya: Problematization and the role of the constitution, Prof. Harrington writes that “under British rule it was subject to the Medical Practitioners and Dentists Ordinance of 1910 and the Witchcraft Ordinance of 1925. The former limited the practice of ‘therapeutics according to Native methods’ to the ethnic group of the particular healer”. In fact, to date, despite the passage of the 2017 Health Act, traditional healers are still registered by the Ministry of Culture rather than the Ministry of Health.

Perhaps by adopting this colonial stance, Kenya has deprived itself of one of its most potent weapons in the fight against disease. The country suffers a chronic shortage of medical personnel, especially in rural areas. For example, one study suggested that to achieve an 80 per cent rate of assisted deliveries, developing countries should have at least 2.23 qualified doctors, nurses, and midwives per 1,000 people. For Kenya, that would mean a figure somewhere in the region of 111,000 as opposed to the current 67,000. Estimated at 40,000 strong, traditional healers would more than make up the difference. They outnumber doctors five to one, are two-thirds as many as the country’s registered nurses and midwives, and a quarter as many as the country’s entire workforce of registered healthcare practitioners.

Traditional healers are a potent reservoir of knowledge and experience that urban Kenya is only now beginning to appreciate. And the evidence is mounting that while quacks and fraudsters doubtlessly exist, the vast majority of practitioners are skilled and experienced and that their herbal prescriptions can be effective.

The Kenya Medical Research Institute’s Centre for Traditional Medicine and Drugs Research (CTMDR) has been studying traditional medicines since 1984. “Our experience as people who do research in this area shows us that traditional medicine works,” says Dr. Felix Tolo, head of Natural Products and Drug Research. Dr. Tolo rejects the notion that traditional medicines are inferior to conventional remedies. In this regard, Dr. Tolo says the CTMDR’s goal is also to have traditional herbal medicines available for prescription alongside conventional medicines in hospitals.

Traditional healers are a potent reservoir of knowledge and experience that urban Kenya is only now beginning to appreciate. And the evidence is mounting that while quacks and fraudsters doubtlessly exist, the vast majority of practitioners are skilled and experienced and that their herbal prescriptions can be effective.

In his inaugural 2012 lecture, Julius Mwangi, a Professor of Pharmacognosy at the University of Nairobi who is both an academic and a healer, asked: Herbal Medicines: Do They Work? Drawing from his own experience and evidence-based studies across the world, he illustrates how such medicines have been effective in combating everything from allergies to cancers. He calls for Kenya to learn from the Chinese “who are doing a lot of clinical and other scientific work on their herbal medicines while concurrently using them in their hospitals and other outlets”.

However, this runs into the problem of regulation and policy. As noted earlier, traditional medicines are regarded rather more like cultural artefacts to be monetised than presenting serious medical possibilities that require to be explored. Practitioners are registered by the Ministry of Culture, not that of Health. Prof Harrington notes that “legal literature on the regulation of traditional medicine in Africa [has] preponderantly focused on questions of intellectual property and…controlling access to genetic resources”. There is relatively little interest, it seems, in regulating their medicinal value. As a result, as Angela Oketch notes, “not many Kenyans, including [those] who rely on herbal medicines for their primary healthcare needs, are aware that there are well-researched and clinically proven traditional medicines that can hold their own when put side by side with conventional medicines.”

The focus on control of traditional health resources is perhaps not surprising given that the global herbal medicine market is expected to reach $117 billion by 2024, driven by rising popularity of herbal therapeutics compared to conventional drugs in the West (Europe accounts for 40 per cent of the traditional medicine market) and Asia. With such rich pickings on offer, it is prudent to protect community resources from predatory multinationals.

In 2016, Parliament passed the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions Act that gives every community the exclusive right to authorise the exploitation of their traditional knowledge and to prevent any person from doing so without their prior informed consent. But to stake your own claim on a piece of that market takes much more. For example, the Chinese government is opening up Centres for Traditional Chinese Medicine in the countries along its Belt and Road infrastructure initiative and is already raking in $295 million. By comparison, as reported by Oketch, when the CTMDR requested the Kenyan government for Sh14 million to develop herbal drugs, it got less than a third of the amount.

The focus on control of traditional health resources is perhaps not surprising given that the global herbal medicine market is expected to reach $117 billion by 2024, driven by rising popularity of herbal therapeutics compared to conventional drugs in the West (Europe accounts for 40 per cent of the traditional medicine market) and Asia. With such rich pickings on offer, it is prudent to protect community resources from predatory multinationals.

However, beyond the economics, it is much more important to consider how these medical resources can be used to assist, not faraway communities in wealthy countries, but Kenya’s own citizens for whom medical costs can be debilitating. The Uhuru Kenyatta administration has prioritised universal healthcare (UHC) as part of its Big 4 development agenda. The Health Cabinet Secretary, Sicily Kariuki, says UHC will be based on three pillars: accessibility, affordability and quality. Despite the fact that traditional practitioners offer all of these and more, there is little discussion about integrating them in the country’s healthcare mix.

It is a curious omission given the passage of the 2017 Health Act that opened the door to the integration of traditional medicine into the healthcare system. Although the law directs the Ministry of Health to develop guidelines for cross-referral of patients between conventional and traditional healthcare practitioners and mandates Parliament to set up a regulatory body to manage the practice of traditional and alternative medicine, there has been little progress on that front more than a year later.

The effort to eliminate maternal mortality spearheaded by the First Lady’s Beyond Zero campaign follows the same pattern. The focus of the campaign has been to ensure all deliveries are made at a health facility and has provided a fully-equipped mobile clinic to each of the 47 counties. However, there are few attempts to engage the traditional midwives who deliver two-thirds of the babies born to pastoral communities. Even where health facilities are available, women may prefer to go to a traditional birth attendant due to bad experiences in health facilities or a lack of transport, especially when the onset of labour is during the night.

WHO has recommended that the government work with traditional midwives and offer them training and support to ease the nursing shortage, but so far there has been little willingness to do so. Instead, the Beyond Zero campaign prefers to denigrate them as “unskilled” and as a hinderance to “equity in provision of health services”. This attitude reflects not just the colonial and Western derision of traditional health practices but also a preference for high profile external interventions designed to capture the media spotlight rather than the less prominent and perhaps more effective interventions that take advantage of resources within the community.

WHO has recommended that the government work with traditional midwives and offer them training and support to ease the nursing shortage, but so far there has been little willingness to do so. Instead, the Beyond Zero campaign prefers to denigrate them as “unskilled” and as a hinderance to “equity in provision of health services”.

The irony is that in the West, some women are turning away from giving birth in hospitals, preferring to give birth at home with the assistance of a midwife – a practice that was popularised in the 1970s and 80s by the women’s movement and self-help books like Our Bodies Ourselves by the Boston Women’s Health Book Collective. According to an article in the Huffington Post, midwives in the US state of Alabama refer to their work as “catching babies”, which reflects a belief that “birth doesn’t require medical intervention under normal circumstances”. Yet Kenyan midwives are sanctioned and suffer neglect.

Traditional medicine has much to offer the Kenya healthcare system if only the Kenyan government would take it seriously. It has the potential not just to transform primary healthcare and make it more affordable and accessible, it can also be a valuable resource for communities. Rather than looking outwards – to places like Cuba – for solutions to our healthcare problems, perhaps it is time that the Kenyatta administration turned its gaze inwards to the potential that lies within Kenya’s own communities and people.

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Mr. Gathara is a social and political commentator and cartoonist based in Nairobi.

Politics

Asylum Pact: Rwanda Must Do Some Political Housecleaning

Rwandans are welcoming, but the government’s priority must be to solve the internal political problems which produce refugees.

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The governments of the United Kingdom and Rwanda have signed an agreement to move asylum seekers from the UK to Rwanda for processing. This partnership has been heavily criticized and has been referred to as unethical and inhumane. It has also been opposed by the United Nations Refugee Agency on the grounds that it is contrary to the spirit of the Refugee Convention.

Here in Rwanda, we heard the news of the partnership on the day it was signed. The subject has never been debated in the Rwandan parliament and neither had it been canvassed in the local media prior to the announcement.

According to the government’s official press release, the partnership reflects Rwanda’s commitment to protect vulnerable people around the world. It is argued that by relocating migrants to Rwanda, their dignity and rights will be respected and they will be provided with a range of opportunities, including for personal development and employment, in a country that has consistently been ranked among the safest in the world.

A considerable number of Rwandans have been refugees and therefore understand the struggle that comes with being an asylum seeker and what it means to receive help from host countries to rebuild lives. Therefore, most Rwandans are sensitive to the plight of those forced to leave their home countries and would be more than willing to make them feel welcome. However, the decision to relocate the migrants to Rwanda raises a number of questions.

The government argues that relocating migrants to Rwanda will address the inequalities in opportunity that push economic migrants to leave their homes. It is not clear how this will work considering that Rwanda is already the most unequal country in the East African region. And while it is indeed seen as among the safest countries in the world, it was however ranked among the bottom five globally in the recently released 2022 World Happiness Index. How would migrants, who may have suffered psychological trauma fare in such an environment, and in a country that is still rebuilding itself?

A considerable number of Rwandans have been refugees and therefore understand the struggle that comes with being an asylum seeker and what it means to receive help from host countries to rebuild lives.

What opportunities can Rwanda provide to the migrants? Between 2018—the year the index was first published—and 2020, Rwanda’s ranking on the Human Capital Index (HCI) has been consistently low. Published by the World Bank, HCI measures which countries are best at mobilising the economic and professional potential of their citizens. Rwanda’s score is lower than the average for sub-Saharan Africa and it is partly due to this that the government had found it difficult to attract private investment that would create significant levels of employment prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Unemployment, particularly among the youth, has since worsened.

Despite the accolades Rwanda has received internationally for its development record, Rwanda’s economy has never been driven by a dynamic private or trade sector; it has been driven by aid. The country’s debt reached 73 per cent of GDP in 2021 while its economy has not developed the key areas needed to achieve and secure genuine social and economic transformation for its entire population. In addition to human capital development, these include social capital development, especially mutual trust among citizens considering the country’s unfortunate historical past, establishing good relations with neighbouring states, respect for human rights, and guaranteeing the accountability of public officials.

Rwanda aspires to become an upper middle-income country by 2035 and a high-income country by 2050. In 2000, the country launched a development plan that aimed to transform it into a middle-income country by 2020 on the back on a knowledge economy. That development plan, which has received financial support from various development partners including the UK which contributed over £1 billion, did not deliver the anticipated outcomes. Today the country remains stuck in the category of low-income states. Its structural constraints as a small land-locked country with few natural resources are often cited as an obstacle to development. However, this is exacerbated by current governance in Rwanda, which limits the political space, lacks separation of powers, impedes freedom of expression and represses government critics, making it even harder for Rwanda to reach the desired developmental goals.

Rwanda’s structural constraints as a small land-locked country with no natural resources are often viewed as an obstacle to achieving the anticipated development.

As a result of the foregoing, Rwanda has been producing its own share of refugees, who have sought political and economic asylum in other countries. The UK alone took in 250 Rwandese last year. There are others around the world, the majority of whom have found refuge in different countries in Africa, including countries neighbouring Rwanda. The presence of these refugees has been a source of tension in the region with Kigali accusing neighbouring states of supporting those who want to overthrow the government by force. Some Rwandans have indeed taken up armed struggle, a situation that, if not resolved, threatens long-term security in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region. In fact, the UK government’s advice on travel to Rwanda has consistently warned of the unstable security situation near the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burundi.

While Rwanda’s intention to help address the global imbalance of opportunity that fuels illegal immigration is laudable, I would recommend that charity start at home. As host of the 26th Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting scheduled for June 2022, and Commonwealth Chair-in-Office for the next two years, the government should seize the opportunity to implement the core values and principles of the Commonwealth, particularly the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, freedom of expression, political and civil rights, and a vibrant civil society. This would enable Rwanda to address its internal social, economic and political challenges, creating a conducive environment for long-term economic development, and durable peace that will not only stop Rwanda from producing refugees but will also render the country ready and capable of economically and socially integrating refugees from less fortunate countries in the future.

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Beyond Borders: Why We Need a Truly Internationalist Climate Justice Movement

The elite’s ‘solution’ to the climate crisis is to turn the displaced into exploitable migrant labour. We need a truly internationalist alternative.

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“We are not drowning, we are fighting” has become the rallying call for the Pacific Climate Warriors. From UN climate meetings to blockades of Australian coal ports, these young Indigenous defenders from twenty Pacific Island states are raising the alarm of global warming for low-lying atoll nations. Rejecting the narrative of victimisation – “you don’t need my pain or tears to know that we’re in a crisis,” as Samoan Brianna Fruean puts it – they are challenging the fossil fuel industry and colonial giants such as Australia, responsible for the world’s highest per-capita carbon emissions.

Around the world, climate disasters displace around 25.3 million people annually – one person every one to two seconds. In 2016, new displacements caused by climate disasters outnumbered new displacements as a result of persecution by a ratio of three to one. By 2050, an estimated 143 million people will be displaced in just three regions: Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. Some projections for global climate displacement are as high as one billion people.

Mapping who is most vulnerable to displacement reveals the fault lines between rich and poor, between the global North and South, and between whiteness and its Black, Indigenous and racialised others.

Globalised asymmetries of power create migration but constrict mobility. Displaced people – the least responsible for global warming – face militarised borders. While climate change is itself ignored by the political elite, climate migration is presented as a border security issue and the latest excuse for wealthy states to fortify their borders. In 2019, the Australian Defence Forces announced military patrols around Australia’s waters to intercept climate refugees.

The burgeoning terrain of “climate security” prioritises militarised borders, dovetailing perfectly into eco-apartheid. “Borders are the environment’s greatest ally; it is through them that we will save the planet,” declares the party of French far-Right politician Marine Le Pen. A US Pentagon-commissioned report on the security implications of climate change encapsulates the hostility to climate refugees: “Borders will be strengthened around the country to hold back unwanted starving immigrants from the Caribbean islands (an especially severe problem), Mexico, and South America.” The US has now launched Operation Vigilant Sentry off the Florida coast and created Homeland Security Task Force Southeast to enforce marine interdiction and deportation in the aftermath of disasters in the Caribbean.

Labour migration as climate mitigation

you broke the ocean in
half to be here.
only to meet nothing that wants you
– Nayyirah Waheed

Parallel to increasing border controls, temporary labour migration is increasingly touted as a climate adaptation strategy. As part of the ‘Nansen Initiative’, a multilateral, state-led project to address climate-induced displacement, the Australian government has put forward its temporary seasonal worker program as a key solution to building climate resilience in the Pacific region. The Australian statement to the Nansen Initiative Intergovernmental Global Consultation was, in fact, delivered not by the environment minister but by the Department of Immigration and Border Protection.

Beginning in April 2022, the new Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme will make it easier for Australian businesses to temporarily insource low-wage workers (what the scheme calls “low-skilled” and “unskilled” workers) from small Pacific island countries including Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Kiribati, Samoa, Tonga, and Tuvalu. Not coincidentally, many of these countries’ ecologies and economies have already been ravaged by Australian colonialism for over one hundred years.

It is not an anomaly that Australia is turning displaced climate refugees into a funnel of temporary labour migration. With growing ungovernable and irregular migration, including climate migration, temporary labour migration programs have become the worldwide template for “well-managed migration.” Elites present labour migration as a double win because high-income countries fill their labour shortage needs without providing job security or citizenship, while low-income countries alleviate structural impoverishment through migrants’ remittances.

Dangerous, low-wage jobs like farm, domestic, and service work that cannot be outsourced are now almost entirely insourced in this way. Insourcing and outsourcing represent two sides of the same neoliberal coin: deliberately deflated labour and political power. Not to be confused with free mobility, temporary labour migration represents an extreme neoliberal approach to the quartet of foreign, climate, immigration, and labour policy, all structured to expand networks of capital accumulation through the creation and disciplining of surplus populations.

The International Labour Organization recognises that temporary migrant workers face forced labour, low wages, poor working conditions, virtual absence of social protection, denial of freedom association and union rights, discrimination and xenophobia, as well as social exclusion. Under these state-sanctioned programs of indentureship, workers are legally tied to an employer and deportable. Temporary migrant workers are kept compliant through the threats of both termination and deportation, revealing the crucial connection between immigration status and precarious labour.

Through temporary labour migration programs, workers’ labour power is first captured by the border and this pliable labour is then exploited by the employer. Denying migrant workers permanent immigration status ensures a steady supply of cheapened labour. Borders are not intended to exclude all people, but to create conditions of ‘deportability’, which increases social and labour precarity. These workers are labelled as ‘foreign’ workers, furthering racist xenophobia against them, including by other workers. While migrant workers are temporary, temporary migration is becoming the permanent neoliberal, state-led model of migration.

Reparations include No Borders

“It’s immoral for the rich to talk about their future children and grandchildren when the children of the Global South are dying now.” – Asad Rehman

Discussions about building fairer and more sustainable political-economic systems have coalesced around a Green New Deal. Most public policy proposals for a Green New Deal in the US, Canada, UK and the EU articulate the need to simultaneously tackle economic inequality, social injustice, and the climate crisis by transforming our extractive and exploitative system towards a low-carbon, feminist, worker and community-controlled care-based society. While a Green New Deal necessarily understands the climate crisis and the crisis of capitalism as interconnected — and not a dichotomy of ‘the environment versus the economy’ — one of its main shortcomings is its bordered scope. As Harpreet Kaur Paul and Dalia Gebrial write: “the Green New Deal has largely been trapped in national imaginations.”

Any Green New Deal that is not internationalist runs the risk of perpetuating climate apartheid and imperialist domination in our warming world. Rich countries must redress the global and asymmetrical dimensions of climate debtunfair trade and financial agreements, military subjugation, vaccine apartheidlabour exploitation, and border securitisation.

It is impossible to think about borders outside the modern nation-state and its entanglements with empire, capitalism, race, caste, gender, sexuality, and ability. Borders are not even fixed lines demarcating territory. Bordering regimes are increasingly layered with drone surveillance, interception of migrant boats, and security controls far beyond states’ territorial limits. From Australia offshoring migrant detention around Oceania to Fortress Europe outsourcing surveillance and interdiction to the Sahel and Middle East, shifting cartographies demarcate our colonial present.

Perhaps most offensively, when colonial countries panic about ‘border crises’ they position themselves as victims. But the genocide, displacement, and movement of millions of people were unequally structured by colonialism for three centuries, with European settlers in the Americas and Oceania, the transatlantic slave trade from Africa, and imported indentured labourers from Asia. Empire, enslavement, and indentureship are the bedrock of global apartheid today, determining who can live where and under what conditions. Borders are structured to uphold this apartheid.

The freedom to stay and the freedom to move, which is to say no borders, is decolonial reparations and redistribution long due.

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Politics

The Murang’a Factor in the Upcoming Presidential Elections

The Murang’a people are really yet to decide who they are going to vote for as a president. If they have, they are keeping the secret to themselves. Are the Murang’a people prepping themselves this time to vote for one of their own? Can Jimi Wanjigi re-ignite the Murang’a/Matiba popular passion among the GEMA community and re-influence it to vote in a different direction?

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In the last quarter of 2021, I visited Murang’a County twice: In September, we were in Kandiri in Kigumo constituency. We had gone for a church fundraiser and were hosted by the Anglican Church of Kenya’s (ACK), Kahariro parish, Murang’a South diocese. A month later, I was back, this time to Ihi-gaini deep in Kangema constituency for a burial.

The church function attracted politicians: it had to; they know how to sniff such occasions and if not officially invited, they gate-crash them. Church functions, just like funerals, are perfect platforms for politicians to exhibit their presumed piousness, generosity and their closeness to the respective clergy and the bereaved family.

Well, the other reason they were there, is because they had been invited by the Church leadership. During the electioneering period, the Church is not shy to exploit the politicians’ ambitions: they “blackmail” them for money, because they can mobilise ready audiences for the competing politicians. The politicians on the other hand, are very ready to part with cash. This quid pro quo arrangement is usually an unstated agreement between the Church leadership and the politicians.

The church, which was being fund raised for, being in Kigumo constituency, the area MP Ruth Wangari Mwaniki, promptly showed up. Likewise, the area Member of the County Assembly (MCA) and of course several aspirants for the MP and MCA seats, also showed up.

Church and secular politics often sit cheek by jowl and so, on this day, local politics was the order of the day. I couldn’t have speculated on which side of the political divide Murang’a people were, until the young man Zack Kinuthia Chief Administrative Secretary (CAS) for Sports, Culture and Heritage, took to the rostrum to speak.

A local boy and an Uhuru Kenyatta loyalist, he completely avoided mentioning his name and his “development track record” in central Kenya. Kinuthia has a habit of over-extolling President Uhuru’s virtues whenever and wherever he mounts any platform. By the time he was done speaking, I quickly deduced he was angling to unseat Wangari. I wasn’t wrong; five months later in February 2022, Kinuthia resigned his CAS position to vie for Kigumo on a Party of the National Unity (PNU) ticket.

He spoke briefly, feigned some meeting that was awaiting him elsewhere and left hurriedly, but not before giving his KSh50,000 donation. Apparently, I later learnt that he had been forewarned, ahead of time, that the people were not in a mood to listen to his panegyrics on President Uhuru, Jubilee Party, or anything associated to the two. Kinuthia couldn’t dare run on President Uhuru’s Jubilee Party. His patron-boss’s party is not wanted in Murang’a.

I spent the whole day in Kandiri, talking to people, young and old, men and women and by the time I was leaving, I was certain about one thing; The Murang’a folks didn’t want anything to do with President Uhuru. What I wasn’t sure of is, where their political sympathies lay.

I returned to Murang’a the following month, in the expansive Kangema – it is still huge – even after Mathioya was hived off from the larger Kangema constituency. Funerals provide a good barometer that captures peoples’ political sentiments and even though this burial was not attended by politicians – a few senior government officials were present though; political talk was very much on the peoples’ lips.

What I gathered from the crowd was that President Uhuru had destroyed their livelihood, remember many of the Nairobi city trading, hawking, big downtown real estate and restaurants are run and owned largely by Murang’a people. The famous Nyamakima trading area of downtown Nairobi has been run by Murang’a Kikuyus.

In 2018, their goods were confiscated and declared contrabrand by the government. Many of their businesses went under, this, despite the merchants not only, whole heartedly throwing their support to President Uhuru’s controversial re-election, but contributing handsomely to the presidential kitty. They couldn’t believe what was happening to them: “We voted for him to safeguard our businesses, instead, he destroyed them. So much for supporting him.”

We voted for him to safeguard our businesses, instead, he destroyed them. So much for supporting him

Last week, I attended a Murang’a County caucus group that was meeting somewhere in Gatundu, in Kiambu County. One of the clearest messages that I got from this group is that the GEMA vote in the August 9, 2022, presidential elections is certainly anti-Uhuru Kenyatta and not necessarily pro-William Ruto.

“The Murang’a people are really yet to decide, (if they have, they are keeping the secret to themselves) on who they are going to vote for as a president. And that’s why you see Uhuru is craftily courting us with all manner of promises, seductions and prophetic messages.” Two weeks ago, President Uhuru was in Murang’a attending an African Independent Pentecostal Church of Africa (AIPCA) church function in Kandara constituency.

At the church, the president yet again threatened to “tell you what’s in my heart and what I believe and why so.” These prophecy-laced threats by the President, to the GEMA nation, in which he has been threatening to show them the sign, have become the butt of crude jokes among Kikuyus.

Corollary, President Uhuru once again has plucked Polycarp Igathe away from his corporate perch as Equity Bank’s Chief Commercial Officer back to Nairobi’s tumultuous governor seat politics. The first time the bespectacled Igathe was thrown into the deep end of the Nairobi murky politics was in 2017, as Mike Sonko’s deputy governor. After six months, he threw in the towel, lamenting that Sonko couldn’t let him even breathe.

Uhuru has a tendency of (mis)using Murang’a people

“Igathe is from Wanjerere in Kigumo, Murang’a, but grew up in Ol Kalou, Nyandarua County,” one of the Mzees told me. “He’s not interested in politics; much less know how it’s played. I’ve spent time with him and confided in me as much. Uhuru has a tendency of (mis)using Murang’a people. President Uhuru wants to use Igathe to control Nairobi. The sad thing is that Igathe doesn’t have the guts to tell Uhuru the brutal fact: I’m really not interested in all these shenanigans, leave me alone. The president is hoping, once again, to hopefully placate the Murang’a people, by pretending to front Igathe. I foresee another terrible disaster ultimately befalling both Igathe and Uhuru.”

Be that as it may, what I got away with from this caucus, after an entire day’s deliberations, is that its keeping it presidential choice close to its chest. My attempts to goad some of the men and women present were fruitless.

Murang’a people like reminding everyone that it’s only they, who have yet to produce a president from the GEMA stable, despite being the wealthiest. Kiambu has produced two presidents from the same family, Nyeri one, President Mwai Kibaki, who died on April 22. The closest Murang’a came to giving the country a president was during Ken Matiba’s time in the 1990s. “But Matiba had suffered a debilitating stroke that incapacitated him,” said one of the mzees. “It was tragic, but there was nothing we could do.”

Murang’a people like reminding everyone that it’s only they, who have yet to produce a president from the GEMA stable, despite being the wealthiest

It is interesting to note that Jimi Wanjigi, the Safina party presidential flagbearer is from Murang’a County. His family hails from Wahundura, in Mathioya constituency. Him and Mwangi wa Iria, the Murang’a County governor are the other two Murang’a prominent persons who have tossed themselves into the presidential race. Wa Iria’s bid which was announced at the beginning of 2022, seems to have stagnated, while Jimi’s seems to be gathering storm.

Are the Murang’a people prepping themselves this time to vote for one of their own? Jimi’s campaign team has crafted a two-pronged strategy that it hopes will endear Kenyans to his presidency. One, a generational, paradigm shift, especially among the youth, targeting mostly post-secondary, tertiary college and university students.

“We believe this group of voters who are basically between the ages of 18–27 years and who comprise more than 65 per cent of total registered voters are the key to turning this election,” said one of his presidential campaign team members. “It matters most how you craft the political message to capture their attention.” So, branding his key message as itwika, it is meant to orchestrate a break from past electoral behaviour that is pegged on traditional ethnic voting patterns.

The other plunk of Jimi’s campaign theme is economic emancipation, quite pointedly as it talks directly to the GEMA nation, especially the Murang’a Kikuyus, who are reputed for their business acumen and entrepreneurial skills. “What Kikuyus cherish most,” said the team member “is someone who will create an enabling business environment and leave the Kikuyus to do their thing. You know, Kikuyus live off business, if you interfere with it, that’s the end of your friendship, it doesn’t matter who you are.”

Can Jimi re-ignite the Murang’a/Matiba popular passion among the GEMA community and re-influence it to vote in a different direction? As all the presidential candidates gear-up this week on who they will eventually pick as their running mates, the GEMA community once more shifts the spotlight on itself, as the most sought-after vote basket.

Both Raila Odinga and William Ruto coalitions – Azimio la Umoja-One Kenya and Kenya Kwanza Alliance – must seek to impress and woe Mt Kenya region by appointing a running mate from one of its ranks. If not, the coalitions fear losing the vote-rich area either to each other, or perhaps to a third party. Murang’a County, may as well, become the conundrum, with which the August 9, presidential race may yet to be unravelled and decided.

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