With the 2022 succession games already well underway, a cold war in Jubilee rapidly developing into an all-out fight, could the government collapse before the next election? At least five governors will be eyeing the national political arena with interest. Will any of them run? What does all this mean for future political alliances. NIC CHEESEMAN does some scenario-setting.
Why marijuana remains illegal (in most of Africa) and tobacco legal speaks volumes about the contradictions of capitalism. Why native enterprises remain ‘informal’ while foreign investment is favoured and sought after by African governments is an old, insidious trick of imperialism. DAVID NDII pens an anti-development manifesto.
One year after Deputy Chief Justice, Philomena Mwilu led her colleagues in a historic ruling that nullified the August presidential election, is her arrest part of the Kenyatta State’s vendetta against a judiciary his regime still cannot control? By MIRIAM ABRAHAM
Five years ago, the Jubilee administration embarked on a dangerous economic course of deficit financing, profligate spending and punitive taxation. Legitimate government suppliers in the private sector were crowded out in favour of tenderpreneurs and briefcase companies. Mysteriously, government agencies with expanded budgets were unable to pay suppliers. The result today: banks are staring at ballooning non-performing loans, tax revenues have fallen steeply and the private sector is dying a slow, painful death. By P. GITAU GITHONGO.
Fighting corruption in a developing country where governance institutions are nascent is always a political affair. Kenyatta’s current efforts are no different but mask a more urgent crisis, itself caused in part by a culture of profligacy and theft: the looming insolvency of the Jubilee regime that has forced them into a harsh austerity programme. Add to this - giant corruption scandals, the abortive efforts to fight them, have historically had a devastating effect on key governance institutions in Kenya. By JOHN GITHONGO
Kenyans will always remember him for pulling us back from the brink. But in the 1990s, Kofi Annan was head of the UN’s peacekeeping operations and was therefore watchdog-in-chief of the biggest disasters in the organisation’s history: the genocide in Rwanda and violence in former Yugoslavia. Still, his tenure as UN Sec-Gen returned the UN to global relevance in an age of cynicism. A tribute, by RASNA WARAH.
Consider Mama Sylvia Maphosa, 56, avoiding trouble the day after Zimbabwe’s election, shot in the back by a sniper - one more victim of a culture of electoral violence stretching from Harare to Nairobi, where Baby Pendo’s killers are still abroad. But the remarkable inability to manage democratic elections in Zimbabwe and Kenya, both former settler colonies with turbulent legacies of violence, land dispossession and its vexed post-colonial aftermaths, are only partly explained by their histories. For that, cue the role of Big Man politics and Big Power interests. By MIRIAM ABRAHAM
When reports emerged that senior aid officials in OXFAM, the world’s biggest humanitarian charity, had routinely sexually exploited vulnerable young women in Haiti, it touched off a scandal that has left the Western humanitarian industry reeling. It was merely the tip of the iceberg, as a recent UK House of Commons report attests. Impunity is rife within the UN system and the NGOs associated with it. How to rein it in? By RASNA WARAH
The Belt and Road Initiative, China’s ambitious attempt to create a global infrastructure corridor spanning 65 countries and connecting 60 percent of the world’s population, is the biggest imperial coming-out party in modern history. Not by armed conquest but by a strategy of debt-financed diplomacy, from Sri Lanka to Montenegro, from Islamabad to Mombasa, China is deploying its $3.2 trillion credit surplus to establish a 21st century Oriental Empire, impoverishing entire continents through the allure of roads, railways and bridges. DAVID NDII conducts a global cost-benefit analysis.
If Kenyan elections are an ethnic referendum, then the census next year already stands captured by the politics of ethnic competition - the lifeblood of Kenyan siasa. The 2009 census was disputed on the same lines. Now, the Council of Governors, firing a shot across the bow, has called for a third formula for revenue sharing. Will this be motivating logic for next year’s count? By JOHN GITHONGO.